Industrialized food supply chains are broadly characterized by mass-production systems that raise serious environmental and health concerns (Schlosser, 2001). Global food production has often been criticized for releasing high levels of greenhouse gases, neglecting animal welfare, damaging ecosystems, and creating potentially harmful food products (Carlsson-Kanyama, Ekström, & Shanahan, 2003). In contrast, organic food consumption has rapidly gained popularity, positioned as a response to the unsustainability of industrialized food systems. Organic products are cultivated without artificial pesticides or fertilizers and with greater consideration for the environment and biodiversity (Winter & Davis, 2006). As a result, many consumers view organic food as an eco-friendly alternative that supports better health compared to mass-produced options (Hughner, McDonagh, Prothero, Shultz, & Stanton, 2007).

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In recent years, global sales of organic foods have grown remarkably. For example, in 2015, the U.S. organic sector achieved record-breaking sales of $43.3 billion, marking an 11% increase from the prior year (Organic Trade Association, 2016). Similar upward trends have been observed across Europe and Asia (Euromonitor, 2017). Consequently, marketing research has shown heightened interest in sustainable organic consumption, often centering on “how consumers interpret the organic concept, issues surrounding demand, attitudes toward organic produce, and the drivers or barriers to acceptance” (Krystallis & Chryssohoidis, 2005, p. 322). Findings suggest that health and personal wellbeing are key motivators for organic purchases (Hilverda, Jurgens, & Kuttschreuter, 2016). Other drivers include environmental and animal welfare concerns, food safety, better taste, support for local farmers, and curiosity (Hughner et al., 2007). Moreover, studies show that differing levels of consumer knowledge can shape perceptions of organic foods (Zanoli & Naspetti, 2002), and that demographic factors such as gender, age, household size, and income may influence buying behavior (Thompson & Kidwell, 1998).

Although these foundational studies provide valuable insights, they offer only a generalized picture of how consumers understand and engage in sustainable organic food consumption. While multiple motives for organic purchases are acknowledged, most—apart from environmental concerns—have not been explored within the wider social and cultural contexts that frame consumption (Marshall, 2005). For instance, do ideas about “taste,” which Bourdieu (1984) connects to social class positioning and distinction, help explain preferences for organic foods? Similarly, how can it be that organic consumers cite health as their primary motive yet remain largely unfamiliar with actual organic farming standards (Hjelmar, 2011)?

We argue that a key limitation of existing research is its predominant focus on the individual consumer. Past studies typically highlight personal beliefs and attitudes as the main predictors of organic consumption, assuming that food purchasing follows a linear, rational decision-making process (Harrison & Davies, 1998; Hargreaves, 2011). Yet, food consumption extends beyond individual choices—it also functions symbolically within broader cultural and social contexts (Marshall, 2005).

As Douglas (1972) observes, food-related practices—ranging from diet and rituals to representational activities—form cultural “codes” that both mirror and shape societal systems (Seo, Cruz, & Fam, 2015). Marketing research further shows that food is used by consumers to express identity, provide comfort, navigate cultural shifts, and symbolize ethnic, religious, and class distinctions (Bardhi, Ostberg, & Bengtsson, 2010; Üstüner & Holt, 2009). This highlights the need to consider sociocultural discourses and contextual practices in order to build a fuller account of sustainable organic food consumption.

This study applies the theory of social practices (Reckwitz, 2002; Schatzki, 1996; Warde, 2005) to view organic consumption not simply as the result of individual decision-making, but as interconnected “nexuses of doings and sayings” (Reckwitz, 2002) embedded within consumer culture. We conducted a situated investigation of organic food consumption in South Korea and identified three key practices: investing in long-term wellbeing, demonstrating sustainability values, and signaling social status. Collectively, these practices align with the modern idea of luxury fashion (Heine, 2010; Seo & Buchanan-Oliver, 2017; Vigneron & Johnson, 2004). We therefore suggest that organic foods can be understood as a distinctive form of fashion trend. The paper concludes with implications for research and practice.

The present study seeks to examine the role of altruistic and egoistic values in shaping consumers’ motives and their intention to purchase organic food. Using face-to-face surveys, a total of 1,067 responses were collected from Chinese consumers. Data were analyzed using a two-step structural equation modeling (SEM) approach, including both measurement and structural models. Results revealed that both value orientations impact purchase intention indirectly through the mediation of consumption motives. More specifically, altruistic values were found to influence environmental concern (EC), while egoistic values shaped health concern (HC). Furthermore, perceived uncertainty was shown to weaken the relationship between HC and purchase intention, while strengthening the relationship between EC and purchase intention. The paper also provides several theoretical and practical implications.

Introduction

A rise in food safety scandals and environmental challenges has heightened global consumers’ interest in food quality, safety, and ecological sustainability (Central News Agency, 2013; Hsu & Chen, 2014; Teng & Lu, 2016; Molinillo et al., 2020; Rana & Paul, 2020). This growing awareness has made consumers more cautious about pesticide residues, the excessive use of harmful agricultural chemicals, and the credibility of farming practices (Fernqvist & Ekelund, 2014; Alzubaidi et al., 2021). As a result, doubts regarding conventional farming methods have encouraged stronger demand for organic food (Mondelaers et al., 2009). Globally, organic food consumption has witnessed steady yet significant expansion (Sultan et al., 2020), with worldwide sales surpassing USD 90 billion in the last two decades (Willer et al., 2020). Organic food is associated with both nutritional and environmental benefits (Kushwah et al., 2019), making it closely aligned with personal values.

Over the past decade, consumer preferences have shifted noticeably. Increasingly, consumers are choosing organic food over conventionally produced alternatives because of its perceived health and environmental advantages (Tandon et al., 2020). While organic products were historically more popular in developed nations, their adoption has surged in developing economies such as China. Organic consumption in emerging markets is expanding at a faster pace than in Western countries (Nafees et al., 2022). Although China’s organic industry is still developing, demand has risen sharply in recent years. With continuous improvements in living standards, China is now becoming one of the fastest-growing organic markets. According to the 2020–2025 China Organic Food Industry Market Panoramic Survey and Investment Value Assessment Advisory Report by the China Research Institute, China is projected to become the world’s fourth-largest organic food consumer, with organic products expected to make up 1–1.5% of its overall food market.

Organic food consumption is generally considered a form of sustainable consumption, as it supports the long-term development of environmentally friendly practices (Reisch et al., 2013; Feil et al., 2020). It is also regarded as ethical consumption, since it reflects concern for the natural environment while offering health benefits to individuals. Previous research has emphasized the significance of values in shaping pro-environmental or ethical behavior (De Groot & Steg, 2009; Hidalgo-Baz et al., 2017; Ahangarkolaee & Gorton, 2020; Vega-Zamora et al., 2020). Schwartz (1992) defines value as “a desirable trans-situational goal varying in importance, which serves as a guiding principle in the life of a person or other social entity.” Within this framework, altruistic values (other-oriented) and egoistic values (self-oriented) are the two primary drivers of moral decisions. However, direct effects of values on individual behaviors are often weak (Homer & Kahle, 1988), and the existing literature remains inconclusive on how consumer values influence organic consumption (Van Doorn & Verhoef, 2015; Yadav, 2016). In China, research on organic food consumption is still limited (Thøgersen et al., 2015; Teng & Lu, 2016; Lin et al., 2021; Liu et al., 2021). Many studies have examined consumer motivations and values, yet the distinction between the two is often blurred—some works treat them separately (Kareklas et al., 2014; Teng & Lu, 2016), while others merge them (Yadav, 2016). Jolibert and Baumgartner (1997) suggest that societal values generate specific behavioral motives, forming a hierarchical relationship between the two. Nevertheless, little research has explored how values shape motives, which in turn influence purchase intentions for organic foods. Although some scholars have applied the “Values-Motivation-Behavior” (VMB) model (Zhang, 2008; Gao et al., 2014), its application to organic food consumption remains underdeveloped. Hence, this study aims to investigate the VMB mechanism within the context of Chinese organic consumers.

Additionally, certain barriers may disrupt the influence of values and motives on consumer behavior. Even when values and motives clearly affect organic food purchases, this alone cannot fully explain consumer decision-making. Therefore, this research also examines the moderating role of perceived uncertainty. In practice, many consumers lack knowledge about organic foods, and low trust in certification systems increases uncertainty. Multiple labeling systems and inconsistent certification standards create confusion, especially in China, making it difficult for consumers to identify genuine organic products. A 2018 survey by the China Youth Daily Social Survey Center found that while 86% of respondents had purchased organic foods, 50.5% could not distinguish organic items, and 69.9% believed the term “organic food” was more symbolic than real. In light of these challenges, it is essential to understand how perceived uncertainty moderates the relationship between consumer motives and their intention to purchase organic foods.

To summarize, this study has three main objectives:

1. To explore how values and motives influence Chinese consumers’ intention to buy organic food.
2. To examine the mediating role of consumption motives in the relationship between values and purchase intention.
3. To investigate the moderating role of perceived uncertainty in the relationship between motives and organic purchase intention.